{"id":9239,"date":"2025-01-13T12:34:59","date_gmt":"2025-01-13T12:34:59","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/mokhacenter.org\/?p=9239"},"modified":"2025-01-13T12:42:09","modified_gmt":"2025-01-13T12:42:09","slug":"the-tension-between-political-projects-in-the-eastern-provinces-and-their-impact-on-peace-negotiations","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/mokhacenter.org\/en\/the-tension-between-political-projects-in-the-eastern-provinces-and-their-impact-on-peace-negotiations\/","title":{"rendered":"The Tension Between Political Projects in The Eastern Provinces and Their Impact on Peace Negotiations"},"content":{"rendered":"

By: Ibrahim Nabil Bamutraf<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

Abstract<\/b><\/span><\/h4>\n

The eastern governorates have long been a battleground for various political movements, often marked by both rivalry and conflict. Many of these movements began around the time of the 2006 presidential elections, which were notably tense, and the ensuing events led to their further proliferation and fragmentation. This splintering has been driven by both internal dynamics and external influences, including regional and international factors.<\/span><\/p>\n

The eastern region holds significant importance for different powers, largely due to its oil wealth and strategic position, making it a focal point for competition. Various factions advocate for different visions of the state\u2019s future \u2014 whether through unity, separation or federalism \u2014 adding layers of complexity to the region\u2019s political landscape.<\/span><\/p>\n

This paper aims to explore the dynamics of competition and alignment between these political projects in the eastern governorates as well as to consider how they might influence upcoming peace negotiations.<\/span><\/p>\n

The First Spark: The Evolution of Political Movements<\/b><\/span><\/h4>\n

The origins of political movements in the eastern regions can be traced back to the 1960s, when Britain attempted to consolidate its southern Yemeni allies under the Federation of South Arabia in April 1962. However, leaders in the eastern regions \u2014 Hadhramaut, Al-Mahra and parts of Shabwa \u2014 rejected this union, opting instead for self-rule<\/span>. This marked the first instance of the eastern governorates expressing a desire to remain independent from the broader southern region.<\/span><\/p>\n

A similar movement emerged five years later in Hadhramaut, when calls for the unification of the Kathiri and Qu\u2019aiti Sultanates and the creation of a Hadhramaut State gained momentum. One of the most notable visions for this state came from Sheikh Omar Salem Ba\u2019abbad, head of the General\u00a0 People\u2019s Congress, who, in March 1965, introduced a plan, called \u201cThe Proposed National Constitution for the Hadhramaut State.\u201d This document laid out a democratic constitutional framework for a proposed \u201cUnited Republic of Hadhramaut\u201d and consisted of five chapters and 79 articles. Article 13 of the project outlined the borders and population of the Republic, describing it as extending from the outskirts of Aden in the west to Al-Mahra in the east, from the Arabian Sea in the south to the border of Saudi Arabia in the north.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Hadhrami aspirations for the unity or creation of their own state were never fully realized. This was largely due to the lack of a clear, cohesive vision for a Hadhrami state and the absence of substantial support for the idea. Instead, Hadhramaut was incorporated into the newly established state in southern Yemen, with Aden as its capital, and became known as the \u201cFifth Governorate\u201d<\/span>.<\/span><\/p>\n

While the 1960s marked the first emergence of political movements in the eastern governorates, the 1994 civil war represented a pivotal moment in shaping modern political projects. During this period, many began to raise concerns about the marginalization of the eastern and southern governorates, including Hadhramaut. The first organized protest of these \u201cmarginalization policies\u201d occurred in 1997 in Mukalla, the capital of Hadhramaut. The movement accused the central government in Sana\u2019a of sidelining southern political and military leaders. Over time, this resistance evolved into what became known as the \u201cSouthern Movement,\u201d which opposed the \u201cunjust policies\u201d of the Sana\u2019a regime, particularly in the aftermath of the 1994 war<\/span>, with a focus on defending the rights of the people of Hadhramaut and the eastern governorates.<\/span><\/p>\n

Alongside the growing opposition to the regime in Sana\u2019a, another movement emerged, which was focused on advocating for Hadhrami independence. In 2003, Abdullah Saeed Bahaj founded the \u201cNational Organization for the Liberation of Hadhramaut (Hatoum),\u201d which called for self-determination for the people of Hadhramaut and the restoration of their independent state. Over time, several other movements aligned with the Hadhrami cause were established, including the \u201cHadhramaut Salvation Front,\u201d the \u201cHadhrami National Gathering\u201d and the \u201cHadhramaut Youth Awakening Bloc.\u201d From these, the \u201cHadhrami Forces League\u201d was formed in May 2012<\/span>, based on the belief that Hadhramaut is an independent state that was twice occupied \u2014 first in 1967 by South Yemen, and again in 1990 when North and South Yemen unified to form the Republic of Yemen.<\/span><\/p>\n

Meanwhile, the Southern Movement continued to develop, a key turning point came in mid-2009 when tribal leader Tariq al-Fadhli, once a prominent ally of President Ali Abdullah Saleh, joined the \u201cSupreme Council for the Peaceful Revolution.\u201d This group later grew in influence, especially after receiving support from Ali Salem al-Beidh, the last president of South Yemen before unification.<\/span><\/p>\n

By this stage, three distinct political projects had emerged. The first, focused on the southern issue, began in 2007 with demonstrations and protests under the banner of the \u201cSouthern Movement,\u201d which was later joined by various political forces. The second centered around the Hadhrami cause, which was rooted in the 1960s but had not gained as much traction on the ground as compared to the southern issue. The third project supported the idea of a unified Yemeni state.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Explosion (Transitional Phase: 2011\u20132013)<\/b><\/span><\/h4>\n

The youth revolution of February 11, 2011, and the resulting political vacuum and newfound freedoms, created a fertile environment for the rise of various political movements. This included the Southern Movement, the Hadhramaut cause and the Al-Mahra issue. The National Dialogue Conference, held from March 2013 to January 2014, became a key platform for these movements to gain visibility, drawing significant international and regional attention.<\/span><\/p>\n

Representatives from the eastern governorates participated in the conference, and voices from Hadhramaut advocated for the creation of a Hadhramaut region, or an eastern region, that would encompass the neighboring governorates of Shabwa, Al-Mahra\u00a0 and Socotra. However, many in Al-Mahra opposed this idea, fearing marginalization under Hadhramaut\u2019s dominant presence. The people of Al-Mahra, with their unique culture and history, were concerned about losing their identity and instead proposed incorporating Socotra into their own governorate, as it was under the Sultanate, to form an independent region under a new federal system.<\/span><\/p>\n

This Mahri political project differed significantly from the two dominant southern movements, with the Hadhramaut independence movement and the South Arabian secessionist movement. The Al-Mahra project received limited regional support and was largely sidelined, especially compared to the stronger backing for the Hadhramaut project from Saudi Arabia and the secessionist movement from the UAE.<\/span><\/p>\n

It is important to note that, before the 2011 revolution and the subsequent crisis and decline of the situation in Yemen toward the chaos of armed conflict, the Al-Mahra did not witness any of the forms of political or intellectual polarization witnessed in other regions of Yemen, due to the great influence of the tribe.<\/span><\/p>\n

Before the 2011 revolution and the subsequent crisis that led Yemen into armed conflict, the Al-Mahra had not experienced the same political or intellectual polarization seen in other parts of the country, largely due to the strong influence of tribal structures.<\/span><\/p>\n

The revolutionary wave following Yemen\u2019s youth uprising triggered the rise of more political movements and exposed deeper grievances, particularly in the eastern regions. On July 7, 2013<\/span>, delegations from Hadhramaut gathered in Wadi Nahab at the invitation of the Hamum Tribe. The meeting\u2019s purpose was to demand long-denied rights for the people of Hadhramaut, who, despite possessing much of Yemen\u2019s oil wealth<\/span>, felt marginalized for decades. During this gathering, the Hadhramaut Tribal Alliance was established, and Lieutenant Colonel Saad bin Hamad bin Habrish was elected as its leader.<\/span><\/p>\n

A few months later, Sheikh Saad bin Habrish, the head of the alliance and leader of the Hamum Tribe, was assassinated. This event triggered a significant escalation among the Hadhramis. In December 2013, following Bin Habrish\u2019s death at the hands of army soldiers near a security checkpoint, the Hadhramaut Tribal Alliance declared a popular uprising. The uprising\u2019s leaders put forth several demands:\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n